Catholics Share Bishops’ Concerns about Religious Liberty

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Catholics
who are wakeful of U.S. bishops’ concerns about restrictions on eremite liberty
generally determine with a bishops’ concerns. Yet a bishops’ protests opposite government
policies they see as limiting of eremite autocracy have not drawn many more
interest among Catholics than among a ubiquitous public. And there are no
significant differences in a presidential opinion preferences between Catholic
voters who have listened about a bishops’ protests and those who have not.

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Nearly
two-thirds of Catholics (64%) have listened during slightest a small about a bishops’
protests opposite a series of supervision policies, including Obama administration
policies requiring eremite institutions such as universities and hospitals to
provide preventive services to their employees. But usually 22% of Catholics
say they have listened a lot about them. Moreover, usually about a third of Catholic
churchgoers (32%) contend their clergyman has oral out on this emanate during Mass.

By
a 56% to 36% margin, Catholics who are wakeful of a bishops’ protests about what they trust are infringements of eremite autocracy contend they determine with a bishops’ concerns.
Among all Americans who are wakeful of a protests, there is reduction support for
the bishops’ position: 41% determine with a bishops’ concerns, while 47%
disagree.

The
latest inhabitant consult by a Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion
Public Life and a Pew Research Center for a People a Press,
conducted Jun 28-July 9, 2012, among 2,973 adults, including 619 Catholics, finds that many Catholics
express compensation with a care of a bishops and other church
officials. Large majorities are really or rather confident with a leadership
provided by Catholic nuns and sisters in a U.S. (83%), their possess parish
priests (82%), their diocesan bishop (74%), a pope (74%) and American bishops
in ubiquitous (70%). 

The
percentage of Catholics observant they are confident with a care of
American bishops has increasing neatly given 2002, during a tallness of the
church’s child sex abuse scandal. In Jun 2002, 51% of Catholics pronounced they were
satisfied with a care of American bishops; now 70% do so. More
Catholics also are confident with a care of their possess bishop than was
the box a decade ago (65% in 2002, 74% today).

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The
bishops have objected
to several actions by state and internal governments, including state laws on
immigration and metropolitan manners on adoption services, that they perspective as
limitations on eremite liberty. And they have energetically against a Obama
administration’s birth control word mandate. (For more, see “Public Divided over Birth Control Insurance Mandate,” Feb. 14, 2012.)

However,
while many Catholics who are wakeful of a bishops’ protests determine with their
concerns, about half of Catholic electorate (51%) contend Barack Obama best reflects their
views on amicable issues such as termination and happy rights; 34% contend Mitt Romney best
reflects their views on these issues. Obama’s lead on amicable issues among
Catholics is about as far-reaching as his lead among all electorate (50% to 36%).

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Currently,
Obama and Romney run about even on amicable issues among white non-Hispanic Catholics
(47% Obama vs. 40% Romney). Among white Catholics who attend Mass during least
weekly, 53% contend Romney improved reflects their views on abortion, happy rights and
other amicable issues, while 37% contend Obama improved reflects their views. Opinions
are topsy-turvy among white Catholics who attend Mass reduction frequently (54% Obama
vs. 31% Romney). 

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So
far this year, conjunction Obama nor Romney has determined a unchanging lead among
Catholic voters. Currently, 51% of Catholic purebred electorate support Obama or
lean toward him, while 42% support Romney or gaunt toward him. Among all
registered voters, 50% preference Obama, while 43% behind Romney. (For some-more see “Obama Holds Lead; Romney Trails on Most Issues,” July
12, 2012.)

White
non-Hispanic Catholics also are divided: 49% support Romney, while 44% favor
Obama. In April, Romney hold a 20-point lead among white Catholics (57% to
37%); in that poll, Romney hold a allied advantage among all white voters
(54% to 39%). In 2008, McCain won a infancy of all white voters, 55% to 43%;
he also had a five-point lead among white Catholics (52% to 47%), according to
the exit polls.

Catholic Voters and
the Bishops’ Protests
 

Catholic
voters who have listened during slightest a small about a bishops’ protests divide
their support between Obama and Romney: 51% behind Obama or gaunt toward him,
while 44% support Romney. The competition is about a same among Catholic electorate who
have not listened about a protests (51% Obama vs. 38% Romney).

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Among
Catholic electorate who have listened about a protests, those who determine with the
bishops’ concerns support Romney by a far-reaching domain (60% to 34%). Those who
disagree with a bishops’ concerns preference Obama by an even incomparable domain (78%
to 19%).

Bishops’ Concerns
Resonate Especially with Observant White Catholics
 

The
bishops’ protests pull distant some-more support from white non-Hispanic Catholics who
attend Mass frequently than from those who attend reduction often.

Fully
68% of white Catholics who attend Mass once a week or some-more determine with the
bishops’ concerns, while usually 24% disagree. By contrast, opinion is evenly
split among white Catholics who attend Mass reduction often: 49% of those who have
heard about a emanate determine with a bishops, while 44% disagree.

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Among
other eremite groups, a infancy of white devout Protestants surveyed
also determine with a bishops’ concerns (55% of those informed with a bishops’
protests determine with their concerns, 31% disagree). Black Protestants are more
evenly divided (38% determine with a bishops and 47% disagree). Among white
mainline Protestants, some-more remonstrate than determine with a bishops’ concerns that
government policies are restricting eremite autocracy (37% determine vs. 51%
disagree).

Among
the religiously unaffiliated, those who remonstrate with a bishops outnumber
those who determine by some-more than four-to-one (73% who have listened of a bishops’
efforts remonstrate with their concerns and 17% agree). Fully 84% of atheists and
agnostics who are informed with a subject remonstrate with a concerns the
bishops have raised.

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The
bishops’ protests order a ubiquitous open – as good as Catholics – along
partisan lines. Among a public, Republicans determine with a bishops’ concerns
by larger than two-to-one (62% to 23%). Democrats remonstrate by a comparable
margin (62% remonstrate vs. 28% agree). Four-in-ten independents contend they agree
with a bishops’ concerns, while 51% disagree.

Within
each narrow-minded category, there is some-more support for a bishops from Catholics
than from a ubiquitous public. Fully 85% of Catholic Republicans who have heard
about a bishops’ efforts determine with their concerns, compared with 62% of
Republicans overall. Four-in-ten Catholic Democrats (41%) determine with the
bishops, compared with 28% of all Democrats. And while 54% of Catholic
independents determine with a bishops’ concerns, 40% of all independents do so.

Looked
at another way, however, a narrow-minded differences within a Catholic community
are as good as they are in a open as a whole. Catholic Republicans are
twice as approaching as Catholic Democrats to determine with a bishops (85% vs. 41%).

Views of Catholic
Leaders
 

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Roughly
eight-in-ten Catholics contend they are really or rather confident with the
leadership supposing by Catholic nuns and sisters in a U.S. (83%), and 82%
express compensation with a care supposing by their bishopric priests. Nearly
three-quarters of Catholics (74%) contend they are confident with a leadership
provided by their bishop, and an matching commission expresses satisfaction
with a pope’s leadership. Seven-in-ten Catholics contend they are really (24%) or
somewhat confident (46%) with a care of a American bishops in
general.

The
percentage of Catholics who contend they are confident with a care of
American bishops is significantly aloft than it was a decade ago, during the
height of a church’s child sex abuse liaison (70% today, 51% in 2002).

While
Catholics are generally confident with a care of their internal and
national clergy, they demonstrate a top compensation with care of U.S.
nuns and internal bishopric priests. About half contend they are really confident with the
leadership that nuns and priests yield (50% U.S. nuns, 49% their possess parish
priests). By comparison, 36% of Catholics contend they are really confident with the
leadership of their bishop, 34% with a pope’s care and 24% with the
leadership of American bishops.

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White
Catholics who attend Mass frequently are some-more confident with a leadership
provided by a pope, bishops and bishopric priests than are those who attend less
frequently. However, there is no poignant disproportion in views of the
leadership supposing by nuns: 90% of low assemblage white Catholics and 84% of more
frequent attenders are confident with a care of U.S. nuns and sisters.

As
might be expected, former Catholics are many reduction confident with Catholic
leadership than are those who now cruise themselves to be Catholic.
While many Catholics are confident with a care of a U.S. bishops and
the pope, reduction than half of a former Catholics surveyed demonstrate satisfaction
with a care of a U.S. bishops (31%) and a Pope (38%). The leadership
of U.S. nuns and sisters is rated definitely by 55% of former Catholics.

About the
Survey
 

The research in this news is formed on write interviews
conducted Jun 28-July 9, 2012, among a inhabitant representation of 2,973 adults, 18 years of age or older, vital in all
50 U.S. states and a District of Columbia (1,771 respondents were interviewed on a landline telephone, and 1,202
were interviewed on a dungeon phone, including 596 who had no landline telephone).
The consult was conducted by interviewers during Princeton Data Source and Universal
Survey Center underneath a instruction of Princeton Survey Research Associates
International. A multiple of landline and dungeon phone pointless number dial
samples were used; both samples were supposing by Survey Sampling International.
Interviews were conducted in English and Spanish. Respondents in a landline
sample were comparison by incidentally seeking for a youngest adult masculine or female
who is now during home. Interviews in a dungeon representation were conducted with the
person who answered a phone, if that chairman was an adult 18 years of age or
older. For minute information about a consult methodology, see http://people-press.org/methodology/ 

The total landline and dungeon phone representation are weighted regulating an
iterative technique that matches gender, age, education, race, Hispanic origin
and reproduction and segment to parameters from a Mar 2011 Census Bureau’s
Current Population Survey and race firmness to parameters from a Decennial
Census. The representation also is weighted to compare stream patterns of telephone
status and relations use of landline and dungeon phones (for those with both),
based on extrapolations from a 2011 National Health Interview Survey. The
weighting procession also accounts for a fact that respondents with both
landline and dungeon phones have a larger luck of being enclosed in the
combined representation and adjusts for domicile distance among respondents with a
landline phone.

An additional 511 interviews were conducted Jun 28-July 10, 2012, with
religiously independent adults by screening landline and dungeon phone RDD
samples (261 interviews) and by recontacting respondents from new surveys
who had identified as religiously independent (250 interviews). These
interviews are used usually when stating on a religiously unaffiliated
(including a independent subgroups – atheist, agnostic, and those who
describe their sacrament as “nothing in particular”). For a RDD and dungeon phone
recontact samples, respondents were primarily comparison in a same approach as
described above. For a landline recontact sample, interviewers asked to speak
with a chairman formed on gender and age who participated in a progressing survey.
Once a comparison respondents were on a phone, interviewers asked them a few
questions and afterwards asked their eremite affiliation; those who are religiously
unaffiliated continued with a residue of a interview.

The weighting procession for a additional interviews with
religiously independent respondents used an iterative technique that included
all of a parameters described above. In addition, a weighting accounted for
the oversampling of independent respondents in a screened and callback
samples, a form of independent respondent (atheist, dubious or “nothing in
particular”), as good as gender, age, segment and a 2012 presidential vote
preference among a unaffiliated. The parameters for a form of unaffiliated
respondent and for gender, age and segment among a independent are formed on
combined information from Pew Research Center surveys conducted from Jul 2011-June
2012.  The parameter for a 2012 vote
preference is formed on a opinion preferences of independent respondents in the
main sample.

Sampling errors and statistical tests of stress take into
account a outcome of weighting. The following list shows a representation sizes and
the blunder attributable to sampling that would be approaching during a 95% turn of
confidence for opposite groups in a survey:

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Sample sizes and sampling errors for other subgroups are available
upon request.

In further to sampling error, one should bear in mind that
question diction and unsentimental problems in conducting surveys can introduce
error or disposition into a commentary of opinion polls.

Photo Credit: AP Photo/Patrick Semansky

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